China’s international image has been decades in the making. Although democracy and human rights have never been high on the Communist Party’s agenda – phenomenal economic growth paired with a reasonable record of line towing with regards to international organisations and diplomacy resulted in acceptance by many Western nations of China’s authoritarian regime. Some even suggested that China might provide an alternative model to Western capitalist democracies for developing nations. But in just a few short months, much has changed.
Some of the less savoury aspects of just how the massive apparatus of the Chinese Communist Party works have been highlighted. From the Hong Kong protests to the mass internment camps of China’s Uighur Muslims, along with advanced surveillance schemes and claims of the debt trap diplomacy of its Belt and Road initiative – China is coming under increasing pressure, particularly from the US. For those who favoured a live and let live approach, because, let’s be honest, money talks, such an option is increasingly difficult to justify.
Increasing tensions between China and Hong Kong are perhaps one of the greatest sources of embarrassment for a nation for whom ‘face saving’ is essential. After months of protest by pro-democracy groups, local Hong Kong elections have shown that the vast majority of Hong Kongers support the protesters. Contrary to narratives portraying the protesters as criminal thugs, bent on disrupting one of China’s most prosperous financial hubs, these results have apparently surprised even Beijing.
For years Hong Kong has seen its rights eroded by involvement from Beijing.
In contrast to Beijing’s trust in the power of economic prosperity to ensure compliance, a combination of factors have created a storm that is proving difficult to contain. For years now, Hong Kong has seen its basic rights eroded and ‘reinterpreted’ by Beijing and those who support it. This, in combination with a lack of social welfare programmes in Hong Kong, soaring house prices and erosion of job opportunities by an influx of mainlanders have created rising levels of anger and discontent among Hong Kong’s youth.
Close on the heels of the Hong Kong protests and Taiwan’s increasingly pro-democratic stance in the run-up to January elections, come the Xinjian Papers. Over 400 pages of leaked documents, detailing exactly how ethnic minorities in the Xinjiang region would be ‘re-educated’ in government organised ‘training schools’. These internal documents were leaked to the New York Times by a concerned member of the Communist Party. They reveal just how different the sanitized narrative of job training centers for China’s Muslim minority is from the chilling reality of exactly how officials should go about organising the most extensive internment campaign since the Mao era.
What happens to party members who dissent?
Documents went so far as to advise officials on how to handle awkward conversations with returning students who found their relatives gone. Lines like ‘Freedom is only possible when this virus in their thinking is eradicated and they are in good health’ bear a striking resemblance to the doublespeak of Orwell’s seminal work on totalitarianism, 1984. The leaked documents also provide insights into what happens to those party members who dissent. Especially high-ranking ones, such as Wang Yongzhi, who did not ‘stick to rounding up everyone who should be rounded up’. Mr. Wang who also defied the regime by ordering the release of 7000 camp inmates, was subject to public character assassination, stripped of his position and prosecuted.
Even more recently, China has launched compulsory face scans when registering users of new phones at stores across China. Those registering a new phone number will, according to reports, have to record themselves turning their head and blinking. For years now China has focused on matching internet users with their real identities. Social media firms were required to implement real-name registration almost a decade ago. The Chinese government insists that such measures are in the interests of all citizens as they will boost cyber-security and reduce internet fraud. This culture of surveillance dovetails almost seamlessly with the rise of artificial intelligence and big data.
Black-listed on China’s social credit system?
Beijing’s social credit system, due to come into full effect in 2020, exemplifies the kind of social control of which any self-respecting totalitarian regime would be proud. Although commentators say that its reach is still patchy and it is doubtful that it will be ready by next year, the ideas behind it are draconian. Credit is not only gained, it can also be lost and an individual may be black-listed as a result. If this happens, rights can be removed, including one’s right to travel, buy property or take out a loan. When this happens, as it did to Chinese journalist, Liu Hu, there is little one can do. There was no file, no police warrant, no advance notification, in his case. The lack of due process, makes recourse to justice extremely difficult.
These are just a few of some of Beijing’s less savoury projects. Much has been written about the so-called debt-trap diplomacy of its Belt and Road Initiative. In addition, China’s increasingly proactive stance when it comes to territorial claims in the South China Sea and Antarctica have also been noted. There are also a number of individual cases that raise concern. Australian journalist and blogger, Yang Hengjun, has been held in China since January. Details regarding his alleged offence are sparse but he has been charged with spying.
‘Democracy peddler’ held for months without access to his lawyers.
Australian authorities are concerned about his ailing health and the fact that he continues to be denied access to his lawyers. His case is due to be heard in China, in March. The conviction rate for those accused of a crime is 99% in China. It is typically preceded by a confession obtained through a long and secretive detention process. For self-confessed Chinese spy, Wang Liqiang, death is fairly certain should his request for asylum in Australia be denied. Wang’s story is still under investigation by Australian authorities. Beijing claims that he was convicted of fraud in China and that his claims are ‘absurd’.
What does the future hold? At a recent Chatham House rules event I attended on China’s role in global economic governance, a number of experts on China drew on the country’s history in order to provide a context for its future path. More than one drew attention to the Chinese view that the nation dominated the international system between the 5th century BC, right up until 1900. The following decades were a time of humiliation and isolation for China. This ended in the 1970’s when China returned to the international system. Focusing on inclusion in global governance institutions and wider international acceptance, China was ready to step forward into a more assertive role by 2010.
Is it simply a matter of time?
Now, rising Chinese nationalism goes hand-in-hand with the nation’s increasing global dominance. The issue of course, is the Chinese people themselves. Will increased power and prosperity be enough to quieten a desire for more individual rights and freedoms? History suggests not, especially given events in Hong Kong and Taiwan. But the time scale of rising discontent, is also a major factor and that, is far more difficult to gauge.
