In 2003 Mikhail Khodorkovsky was one of the wealthiest men in Russia, a captain of industry, he was on the Forbes list of billionaires. Today he lives in exile in Switzerland and speaks to audiences far and wide about the system of which he was once part and of his dreams of another Russia – one founded on the rule of law rather than on corruption and cronyism.
Khodorkovsky describes himself as ‘a naïve person back then’. As one of Russia’s most successful businessmen, his company had risen to prominence under Yeltsin. Although a ‘peculiar person’, Yeltsin still had some idea of what was needed, what made it possible for people to make money, Khodorkovsky explains. And although corruption was part of his regime too, Yeltsin himself did not accept bribes. ‘We saw Putin as his successor, indeed this is how he presented himself.’ So at the time, the billionaire explains, it was ‘unimaginable’ that he should go to prison for 10 years.
‘Putin is head of a criminal gang.’
Putin however is not ‘simply an autocrat, he is the head of a criminal gang’. With hindsight, Khodorkovsky admits that Putin’s is a ‘completely different kind of mentality’ to that of Yeltsin. Putin decided to build his Russia on personal loyalty and corruption. This approach, Khodorkovsky tells us is simple; ‘if you want to work in a permanent position, steal. If you’re not stealing, you’re dangerous.’
The ex-captain of industry made the mistake of speaking out against this system, directly to Putin himself. He shows us a brief clip of a televised discussion with Putin in February, 2003. In this exchange, the ex-oligarch raises the issue of corruption in Russia with Putin. At this time, he tells us, it was estimated that a quarter of all Russians were involved in corruption. ‘The stealing continues today,’ he assures us.
At the time of his arrest in October, 2003, Khodorkovsky was the wealthiest man in Russia and his company, he tells us, paid the most taxes in Russia too. In April of the same year, he had announced that Yukos would merge with Sibneft, creating an oil company with reserves equal to those of Western petroleum multinationals.
Companies of this size are involved in one or other court case on a rolling basis, he explains. So when he was arrested on charges of fraud and tax evasion, he envisaged wrangling with the commercial courts where one could ‘correct’ the law, ‘up to a point’. He foresaw four years of pre-trial detention, as the worst-case scenario.
A social activist, not a politician.
As it turned out, the charges against Khodorkovsky ran to 400 volumes and it would be ten years before he was released with the help of intervention from Angela Merkel’s government. He re-iterates that he was pardoned without confessing guilt for any of the charges laid against him. Probably, he adds, because at that stage it was still important for Putin’s government to be seen to co-operate with the West.
My plan before I went to jail was to retire at forty-five. But once released, he found that his interest in business had waned. ‘I have no wish to come to power – honestly’ the billionaire declares. He describes himself as a social activist rather than a politician and admits that even though he is fifty-five, he is not counting on any rapid changes in Russia.
Instead he sees ‘a long pathway to democracy and non-corruption’ for his country. Indeed he believes that his country’s path toward democratic development must be evolutionary. ‘I don’t want people to waste their lives and get exactly the same thing back with a different surname,’ he states calmly.
The problem that he faces most frequently however, is what he calls, ‘the sacred faith’ of the Russian people. The belief that if they can just elect a great king or president, than he will make everything right and the people can lie down and sleep. It is this entrenched faith in the notion of good power or authority that works against an acceptance of the need to spend time and energy on the control of these authorities.
Khodorkovsky would like to see a Russia that ‘follows the European path – there is no other way.’ Indeed, he says, ‘Russia has been following it for the past 500 years, in a zig-zag way!’ He estimates that in a free and fair election, Putin’s party would probably get 20 to 30% of the vote and the Communist party might even win. ‘But that’s ok, he says calmly, ‘so long as the rule of law is in place’. Now he simply wants ‘to help those people who have the potential to be the future of Russia.’
‘The Russian people are fed-up with Putin.’
He speaks of a new generation of Russians who are not afraid of prison because they don’t believe they will be killed. They will also outlive Putin, he adds. If however you ask them if they would rather have money or freedom, they will say money, he tells us. But just try and switch off the internet or stop them from leaving the country…
The Russian people are fed-up with Putin, and he is bored with us, Khodorkovsky says. In contrast to what Putin claims, ‘we have no enemies abroad, the real enemies are within the country’. The ex-oligarch tells us that Putin has created the National Guard, a 340 000 strong force which has access to air power and artillery, not just water bombs and tear gas.
Asked about relations with the European Union, Khodorkovsky argues that the biggest challenge for Europe is the Kremlin’s unwillingness to see a united Europe. From Russia’s perspective, it is much easier to deal with small individual countries and organisations. ‘To force Russia to speak with a united Europe, will be one of the Commission’s most difficult tasks.’ As for Putin, Khodorkovsky is pessimistic.’
Currently I do not see a good exit for him.’ After the war in Ukraine, it will be difficult for him to relax on his pension, as he puts it, and Putin understands this too. ‘So I fear it will be feet first for him’ Khodorkovsky says blandly, with just the smallest hint of irony.