As protests in Hong Kong escalate, the tensions inherent in the one country, two systems approach are becoming increasingly apparent, in spite of Beijing’s claims to the contrary. Hong Kong has one of the freest economies in the world but what of its political system? What is the price of freedom and who is willing to pay it?
I arrived in Hong Kong in 2014. As a new member of Hong Kong’s large expat community, I remember making my way down to the streets Mong Kok, one of the centers of the so-called Umbrella Revolution. Mong Kok is a large, working man’s district known among tourists for its markets. The ordered, peacefulness of the protests was difficult to appreciate unless seen first-hand. Students had set up desks in order to do their homework and tents and bottles of water were neatly stored for later use. All agreed that this was ‘typical Hong Kong’ – orderly and law-abiding to the extreme. These protests eventually petered out as increasing numbers of the city’s residents grew alarmed about the economic consequences of movements like Occupy Central that brought the CBD to a standstill.
Hong Kong’s colonial history is not China’s
Although Hong Kong is geographically and ethnically part of China, this small territory has enjoyed a very different history, at least for the last couple of centuries. Under British control for more than 150 years, Hong Kong developed in quite a different manner from mainland China, which came under Communist rule in 1949. With British handover in 1997, Hong Kong became a special administrative region within China. This meant that for the next 50 years, at least, the territory would have its own mini-constitution, called the Basic Law. Under Basic Law various rights including an independent legal system, based on the English Common Law, multiple political parties, free speech and freedom of assembly were guaranteed. But the word of the law and the spirit of the law can diverge. Since 1997, a variety of interpretations of these laws by Beijing have clashed with those of Hong Kong citizens. This in turn has led to numerous protests over the years as Hong Kongers have seen their special rights hollowed out by interference from Beijing.
Greater integration, greater economic prosperity?
The one country, two systems mantra, is one which Beijing has repeatedly reinforced in its approach to Hong Kong. Building on notions of shared ethnicity and a common desire for economic prosperity, the Chinese Communist Party has made no secret of the fact that it sees this approach as a vehicle for peaceful, prosperous integration. Indeed Hong Kong and Macau are set to play key roles in an ambitious economic development plan released in February this year. The region, termed the Greater Bay Area (GBA), incorporates 11 cities, of which the 9 least developed are in Guangdong province.
The GBA plan is designed to build a cooperative framework between Hong Kong, Macau and Guangdong to facilitate integration, including that of all three regulatory environments. Such suggestions have understandably given rise to concern. The GBA is an excellent example of how the mainland views prosperity and integration as synonymous. It fits very well with the long-term approach of the Chinese Communist Party – prioritize economic growth and prosperity and this will foster the necessary loyalty and contentment among citizens. Why would such an approach not work with Hong Kong?
The price of freedom
The problem is political . Specifically political freedom. The kind which Hong Kong’s Basic Law was designed to provide. Although the current protests were triggered by an attempt to push through a controversial extradition law, protesters are now calling for more. They are demanding the universal suffrage which was promised them in 2017 but never materialised. Some are even demanding the liberation of Hong Kong itself. Although the most vocal and recently violent protesters are found among the younger generation – one expat onlooker described a recent violent protest in Sha Tin, as ‘a massive temper tantrum with a load of kids – underlying problems run deep. Since hand-over, economic inequality in Hong Kong has grown. In one of the richest economies in the world, social systems are remarkably underdeveloped. Hong Kongers increasingly see this situation as a result of indifferent leadership imposed by Beijing.
For the younger generation the situation is intolerable. One Hong Kong student, 19 year old Frances Hui, wrote, ‘ I am from a city owned by a county that I don’t belong to’. The demands of young pro-democracy leaders like, Joshua Wong, highlight the increasing ideological differences between Hong Kong and mainland China. Beijing has very little experience dealing with such protests. The Communist Party’s response has typically been immediate and violent suppression. Tienanmen Square is a case in point. As are the thinly veiled threats of the Chinese police force performing riot drills on the Shenzhen/Hong Kong border. Beijing officials have recently reiterated that they will not allow Hong Kong’s beleaguered Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, to resign and that protesters must be punished.
The doublethink of ‘one country, two systems’
A number of local commentators have suggested more democratic ways of de-escalating the violence. These include investigating police violence, aswell as attacks by men dressed in white believed to have Triad links, re-evaluating the Basic Law and addressing the housing shortage, as a start. But Beijing is unaccustomed to this sort of democratic compromise. Unquestioning loyalty and obedience from citizens is the norm. It is also what the Communist Party system relies upon to remain in power. And there’s the rub. One country will struggle to support two systems as radically different as those of Hong Kong and its mainland guardian. The days of such an approach were thus numbered from the start. Only Beijing doublespeak could suggest otherwise. ‘No matter what happens to the protest movement, we will reclaim the democracy that belongs to us, because time is on our side.’ Wong wrote in a recent article for the New York Times. Perhaps it is.
